I Hate Homophobes

Posted on 30th May 2004 by Ryan Somma in Enlightenment Warrior

I’m at the YMCA, just finished my workout and I’m waiting for my wife to get out of the locker room and I overhear a man complaining to the manager that an another man was staring at him in the showers. The janitor comes out and asks if it was me. I just look at him, he laughs, and goes to the locker room to find the “offender.”

The manager handles it as best he can. “You should have confronted the man about it,” he tells the irate gym-member.

“No,” the man replies, “You need to deal with it. I got kids who come to this gym and I’m worried about their safety.”

I shake my head. We’ve moved from homosexuality to pedophilia, and we haven’t even confirmed if the man in the shower was staring at this person because they are gay or because he was merely admiring his physical stature. It is a gym after all, cult of the body and all that.

As for me, I continue to pace, very self-consciously now, because for some reason the janitor considered me a suspect. Is there something gay about me? Do I walk funny? Give off some odd vibration?


It bothers me, but that fades, until, a month later, I’m in the local Barnes and Noble, looking for a book on Active X. A very tall, well-built man comes over and stares me down. Me being the pathetic socialphobe that I am, try to ignore him.

“I know why your here,” he says angrily, “I got you pegged. I got you all pegged.”

Like I said before, I’m a pathetic socialphobe, so I say nothing, just keep on looking at the programming books. I reason that I am experiencing a random encounter with someone who forgot to put on their aluminum foil hat this morning and the signals from illuminati are pouring in through their fillings and overriding their brain.

But I know this isn’t true. I know that this bookstore is a meet-market for homosexual men, possibly women too, but the men are the only ones I encounter. They have hit on me in the past, some have followed me around the store, making goo-goo eyes at me. It’s cute if you think about it, but this man standing over me at this moment was outraged.

Not only that, but he thought I was one of them.

The situation diffuses. Apparently I wasn’t the only person affected by his behavior and someone went to get the store manager. This big angry man sees authority coming and he vanishes from the store before he can be thrown out–but you can understand the title of this random thought now.

I hate homophobes, because homophobes hate me.

All in all, I would say I have had four such incidents in the last six months. Each one burning in my mind on the ride home from the bookstore. There were three stages to my thought-processes:

1. What is it about me that brings about this assumption? Is it the way I wear my hair? Buzzcut. No. Marines wear their hair the same way. Is it the way I walk? Compose myself in public? That can’t be it. I don’t prance, hold my wrists limp, or make any of the other stereotypical gay mannerisms. Is it the way I dress then? Hell no. No respectable gay man would be caught dead wearing a moth-eaten flannel shirt and clam-digger shorts.

It might be my body. I’m in good shape. Gay men are in good shape. Is the set of “men in good shape” in the “gay men” set? Or all “gay men” in “men in good shape” ?

This ridiculous reasoning led me to my next thought:

2. What is it about the homophobe that brings about this assumption? What does the world look like to someone so incredibly and irrationally threatened by another human being’s possible sexual preferences? What criteria do they use to figure out who is an who isn’t? Are they like gay men in that they are on the prowl for other gays, only with a different intent?

The world to such an individual must seem a lot like Invasion of the Body Snatchers. I mean, hating homosexuals isn’t as easy as other prejudices. Blacks, Asians, Arabs, and Women are all much easier to identify. Homosexuals tend to look just like everyone else. So discerning the “enemy” out of a crowd of people relies entirely on intuitive reasoning rather than logical. How frightening and maddening a world that must be…

But then, we are talking about intolerant assholes here, which led me think about the third party in this environment:

3. What must the world be like for the homosexual, who must seek out companionship without raising the suspicions of the gay-bashers?

I was left to dwell on that one, putting myself in their shoes. It wasn’t too difficult, after all, I was just targeted by one of their predators. I was freaked out, felt suddenly uncomfortable about being in a public place. I was just looking for a book on programming, not something as complex as a potential soul mate.

I do not, nor have I ever, had a problem with homosexuals. They like to check me out at the gym, and I’m totally fine with that. In fact, I find it quite flattering. Gay men are far more particular than women when it comes to male body-types. If a gay man is undressing me with his eyes, then I’m doing something right.

Why am I okay with this? It probably has something to do with the fact that I am 100% all-American heterosexual manly-man, and I’m very comfortable with that. If a homosexual male hits on me, I use the same tactic many women have used on me in the past and casually mention my wife. If I didn’t have a wife, I would mention my girlfriend, or some girl I am interested in. If someone’s coming onto you, it’s very easy to slip in the statement, “I’m trying to get well-defined so I can hit on this girl who works at such-and-such.”

Only the identity-deprived react with outright hostility. Only someone with a very ego-centric worldview feels so threatened by someone else’s victimless actions that they feel victimized. Only someone lacking in personal social morals would dare to confront others in such a manner, would dare to infringe on their constitutionally-protected pursuit of happiness.

You see, I had no interest in this fight. Homo or Hetero, I didn’t care, but now I do. I’m on the homosexual’s side, because they aren’t the ones actively trying to destroy my personal happiness. The gay-bashers are; they are the ones trying to change the way I dress and act. The gays only want their right to live their way, not to change anyone else’s life.

I’m taking the homosexual’s side against the homophobes who threaten us all.

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Playing With Fire: The Dilema of Portraying Fascism In Film

Posted on 23rd May 2004 by Ryan Somma in Mediaphilism

“The cinema is the most powerful weapon,” Mussolini proclaimed in 1922, but it was Germany’s Third Reich that produced the film with the most influence on modern day cinema. Leni Riefenstahl’s Triumph of Will cast the mold for fascist style. The influence of her film is recognizable in films as wide and diverse as Charlie Chaplin’s The Great Dictator, Stanely Kubrick’s Spartacus, George Lucas’ Star Wars films, and even Disney’s Lion King (Mondello).

The iconography of Germany’s Third Reich remains prevalent in many of today’s subcultures. From Wermacht novelty motorcycle helmets to Nazi officer style S&M regalia, these trademarks of Nazi branding are not popular for the ideology they once represented, but find appeal in their slick stylishness and sexuality:

Much of the imagery of far-out sex has been placed under the sign of Nazism. Boots, leather, chains, Iron Crosses on gleaming torsos, swastikas, along with meat hooks and heavy motorcycles, have become the secret and most lucrative paraphernalia of eroticism. (Sontag)

Like cyperpunk, goth, emo or any other popular subculture, the fascist style finds its way into the mix. Films make use of it both for its appeal and its historical associations.

Many films have tried to explore and understand the appeal of fascism. In Bernardo Bertollucci’s Il Conformista, he portrays the psychological drama of a fascist loyalist, who must forsake his personal beliefs for the party’s demands. Menno Meyjes’ goes even further into controversy with his film Max, where he portrays a young, impoverished Hitler as both a struggling artist and public speaker. Both films have drawn sharp criticism for humanizing evil, which may evoke identification with and empathy for the fascists.

Films such as Star Wars and Pink Floyd: The Wall both use fascist imagery and its historical associations to present an ultimate evil. These are only two examples, for:

Armies of bad guys are almost always depicted as neo-nazis now, because Riefenstal’s images have been so seared into society’s consciousness. Rallies of people you don’t like, chanting things you don’t like, look like Nuremburg to you because she made that the reference point, indelible images, strangely seductive, and monstrous because of what they came to represent. (Mondello)

Yet, this use of fascist imagery, as a shortcut to creating an evil antagonist for its own sake has consequences, creating caricatures of their real life references and distance audiences through exaggeration and “over the top” monstrosity.

The appeal of the fascist style has grown beyond just the bad-guys in popular cinema. Films such as David Fincher’s Fight Club and Paul Verhoven’s Starship Troopers have actually presented their protagonists as fascists, both stylistically and ideologically. Although these filmmakers deny this intention, their target audiences are too inexperienced to detect their subtle satire.

The more overtly anti-fascist films following Riefenstahl’s work employ parody and horror to strip the style of its appeal. Charlie Chaplin ridicules the fascists as buffoons and guilty of overt hypocrisy. Michael Radford changes the context of the fascist style to present a nightmare landscape for his portayal of George Orwell’s “1984,” while Terry Gilliam mixes these two techniques into a modernized variation on the theme. In spite of the effectiveness of these techniques, all three filmmakers rely on an audience incapable of closely identifying with their subject matter.


The Origin of Fascist Style

Leni Reifenstahl’s Triumph of Will

Triumph of Will opens with Hitler’s motorcade riding through the streets of Nuremberg. The scene resembles a parade, with the crowds jostling to see Hitler at its focal point. Neon swastikas, military bands, fireworks, smiling faces, and goodwill generate a sense of levity. This carnival atmosphere seems oddly kitsch when the decades of post-war associations are removed.

One of the more striking shots Reifenstahl employs in her film is a slow orbiting focus around a stationary figure. In the film’s opening, she uses this shot to draw attention to a statue, making it dynamic; later, the same technique gives additional energy to Hitler’s speech to a Nazi Youth assembly. “Her gliding camera, rhythmic cutting, and long slow shots of shining spotlights framing a cathedral of lights gave der fuhrer and his faithful a look of sophistication” (Simon).

Another aspect of Reifenstahl’s film is her use of geometry. Squares, curves, and circles formed in the crowds and soldiers generate, not only a sense of a unified people, but a sense of the modern. Iron sculptures, neon swastikas, and flags tall as buildings lend to this. The fascists are modern, futuristic, an ideal.

Possibly the most important aspect of Reifenstahl’s film is her selectiveness. Much of Hitler’s speeches are edited of their controversial content, such as the “Jewish Threat.” The closest we come is when Hitler proclaims, “We must examine and remove the bad elements from our ranks.” For this reason, critics of Riefenstahl’s work as being a documentary argue, “The document (the image) not only is the record of reality but is one reason for which the reality has been constructed, and must eventually supersede it.” (Sontag). This staged aspect of Riefenstahl’s film, that many of the gatherings, rallies, and speeches were prepared with the making of her film in mind, make its purpose as documentary transcend into the realm of propaganda.

Critiquing Riefenstahl’s film as propaganda, there is a realization of how much was staged for its making. We could also go beyond her camera shots and Hitler’s speeches to see the entire film in the context of a Hollywood production. We could analyze the costume design involved in the Nazi uniforms from the imposing black and trim SS Troopers, to the rugged down-to-earth overalls of the labor forces. High-ranking officials are introduced with dynamic, yet familiar text.”Ley,” “Frank,” and “Goebbles” flash on the screen for Dr. Robert Ley, Dr. Hans Frank, and Dr. Josef Goebbles as if they were pop stars, painting “Hitler and his followers as idealized supermen” (Ebert). Thus “Riefenstahl’s documentary is the aesthetization of politics, not the politicization of art” (World Cinema).


Exploring the Psychology of Fascism

Bernardo Bertollucci’s Il Conformista

Bernardo Bertollucci’s psychological drama Il Conformista focuses on the individual’s motivations for joining the fascist political body. It studies the character Marcello Clerici, a man seeking to blend into society. When asked about his reasons for getting married, he responds, “I intend to construct my normality.”

Joining the fascists, for Marcello, represents just another characteristic to constructing an identity, but when the ideology commands him to assassinate one of his former teachers, Professor Quadri, we find him torn between his deeply suppressed intellectualism and his need to fit in. Bertollucci draws a metaphor for this conflict, between individual desire and fascist ideal, in a philosophical discussion about Plato’s “Myth of the Cave,” where Plato describes a theoretical setting:

human beings living in a underground den… here they have been from their childhood, and have their legs and necks chained so that they cannot move, and can only see before them… a low wall built along the way, like the screen which marionette players have in front of them, over which they show the puppets. (Plato)

These represent Plato’s “un-enlightened,” only seeing and speculating about the shadows cast on the wall, never knowing the reality of what they represent.
Professor Quandri likens the shadows to fascism, style without substance. We learn that Marcello’s thesis involved this myth, but that he abandoned it when the Professor, his mentor, fled to Paris. Marcello has since acquired a new mentor, a radio spokesman for the fascists, who is also, ironically, blind.

The fascist institutions portrayed in the film are made of imposing architecture, modernist, sharply geometric and cold marble, powerful and intimidating. A fascist leader explains the reasons people collaborate with the fascists are “fear, money, few for fascism.” This background helps emphasize the enigma of Marcello’s motivations. Money and power seem to fit in with Marcello’s trophy wife, wealthy background, and cold disregard for humanity, but these motivations fall apart the deeper we delve into Marcello’s psyche.

We find a deeply intellectual man, one who identifies more with the Professor than with the fascist killers he works with. The Professor also knows Marcello does not believe in fascism, partially because of his philosophical nature, which the fascists have made criminal. When it comes time for Marcello to perform the assassination, he cannot. We also detect an underlying contempt for his bourgeois, superficial wife, and a suppressed desire for Giulia. We also find later that fascism has placed Marcello in a lower standard of living, sharing a dwelling with several other families, in spite of his service in the secret police.

The film’s final moments, when Marcello and his blind mentor go for a walk to see what a revolution looks like, does Marcello finally break down and reveal his true underlying motivation. His cool facade cracks and he shrieks at passersby that a homeless man committed the Professor’s assassination. He reveals his mentor for the fascist commentator, screaming at people who are only confused by his irrational attempt to absolve himself. Throughout the entire film he has cast a shadow, trying to go unnoticed, and now the fear has finally consumed him.

Menno Meyjes’ Max

Menno Mayjes’ controversial period piece Max takes on the monumental task of portraying Hitler before the formation of the nazi party. Max is an aspiring artist, impoverished World War I veteran, and harshly vocal anti-Semite. He befriends a Jewish art patron, Max Rothman, also a veteran, who lost his painting arm in the war. Max seeks to steer the young Adolf away from his anti-Semitic street corner rantings and channel his fury into his artwork.

Two aspects of this film help further define and illustrate the allure of fascism in ways we cannot see in Riefenstahl’s film, because they address the context of Riefenstahl’s audience. The film places much emphasis on the overwhelming poverty of post-war Germany. It portrays the humiliation the Treaty of Versailles placed on the German people, making them accept responsibility, both morally and financially, for the war. So when the young Hitler speaks before a small congregation of Germans, sounding inspired, echoing their frustrations, giving them an enemy, and a purpose, we understand the audience Riefenstahl was addressing with her film.

Through Hitler’s artistic expression, the film directly addresses the allure of Nazi imagery. Max Rothman, having failed to sell Hitler as an impressionist, discovers the young man’s concept drawings for Nazism. They are modern, comic-bookish, and fanciful without their historical context. Max sees value in their vision, and wants Hitler to do a “World of the Future” art show. Creating a tragically ironic social commentary on the distinction between style and substance, the film ends with Max killed by a young Nazi, on his way to a dinner with Hitler to set up the show.


Both of these exploratory films were attacked for their subject matter, which some saw as risking potential audience identification with the fascist ideology and its members. Bertollucci’s film was “criticized by some for promoting a psychological explanation of Fascism over cultural, historical, or ideological ones,” (Bozzola) and Meyjes “film was protested by one Jewish group, sight unseen, simply for attempting to humanize the young Hitler” (Ralske). While such concerns are valid and reflect the wariness of the historically-aware public, they are also unfair to the filmmaker’s intentions.

These films do not justify fascism with their explanations, but provide us with an understanding of their appeal or persuasiveness. Film critic Josh Ralske explains the importance of Mayjes approach that “part of the film’s conceit is its crucial acknowledgement that Hitler did not spring fully formed from some other dimension. However monstrous his actions, he was a human being, making him all the more disturbing an historical figure” (Ralske). Indeed, the alternative portrayal of the fascist, as a monster, has much worse implications


The Fascist Bad Guy

Alan Parker’s Pink Floyd: The Wall

The rock musical Pink Floyd: The Wall uses Nazi imagery to define the anti-social aspect of a man’s insanity. Pink, the film’s protagonist, once separated from the world with a mental “Wall,” rebuilds himself out of hatred, shaving his body hair and sporting military dress. He becomes an amalgamation of the old Nazi regime, with towering flags bearing “twin hammers” reminiscent of the swastika, and the neo-nazi movement, with its shaved heads and hobnailed boots.

This modernized portrayal of fascism presents the audience with something easier to identify with and fear. The neo-nazi movement has gained much attention in the new media over the last two decades. Updating Pink’s style to reflect this makes him a more intimidating villain. When we place his rally in the context of a rock concert, the modernized image is completed. The fans become fascists as well, dancing in lockstep, their faces replaced with featureless masks.

Symbolically, Pink becomes the thing he hates, those who killed his father in World War II, but the imagery is also used as commentary on the mindlessness of the pop-star’s fan base. It grows more convoluted as cartoon monsters join the action and hammer’s march to the beat of the film’s soundtrack. The ideology’s hatred is also present, as Pink orders his fans to kill those who are different.

George Lucas’ Star Wars

The film Star Wars recognizes the futuristic aspect of Nazi style. The Grand Moff Tarkin and other officers on the Death Star wear form-fitting outfits with tall leather boots. Darth Vader, in a addition to wearing all leather, wears a helmet with a flared out base in the shape of an exaggerated Nazi helmet.

Their ideology also resembles fascism in its demand for unquestioning loyalty. “Fear will keep the systems in line, fear of this battle station,” Tarkin explains soon after announcing the demise of the last vestiges of the Republic. Even the theme of conformity is illustrated with a science fiction twist. The Storm Troopers, soldiers of the Empire, are revealed to be clones, produced in assembly line fashion. They are not only ideologically identical, but genetically as well.


These portrayals of fascism are less about a totalitarian ideology and more about good versus evil. They are a quick means of evoking audience associations with evil. Fascism becomes a stage prop, present for the sole purpose of identifying the bad guy. As a result, the fascist becomes a caricature of their historical counterpart. The reality of fascism grows more disassociative as years of distance are placed between the historical reality and the modern audience. They are replaced with these imaginary monsters, becoming less viable as a real life possibility.

When this barrier of reality breaks down under the implausibility of fiction, the audience members begin to focus entirely on the style. Once stripped of their repulsive ideology, the fascists are quite stylish and sexy. The audience, therefore, finds the bad guys more appealing for their visual allure.

That the bad guys are more stylish and appealing visually than the good guys, with their white tunics and youthful looks, is not lost on George Lucas. By the third film, Return of the Jedi, Luke Skywalker sports the same, form-fitting, officer’s uniform of the Empire, complete with high leather boots and gloves. Thus, fascist imagery overtakes the good guy’s style.


The Fascist Good Guy

Paul Verhoeven’s StarShip Troopers

Imagine a future where fascism succeeds and you have the backdrop to Paul Verhoeven’s science fiction action film Starship Troopers. In this system, only those who serve in the military may acquire citizenship and the right to vote. Taking place after the “failure of democracy,” this is a world characterized by swift justice for crimes, as when an execution takes place hours after the defendant is found guilty and is televised, licenses are required for having children, which are easier to attain with citizenship, and less obvious intrusions on privacy, such as school grades being posted in large font complete with the student’s name, so that other students may ridicule those with low scores.

The film’s ideological backdrop also matches its set design. The government’s logo is an eagle reminiscent of the Nazi eagle, with its modern design, suggestive of steel and weaponry, resembling a military bomber. Great attention is paid to the body as well, similar to Riefenstahl’s attention to the shirtless Hitler youth, Verhoeven has a coed shower scene to show off the soldier’s muscular bodies enhanced with the glistening water. The uniforms also harken back to the Third Reich, black and form fitting.

Most striking among the fascist images, are the film’s brief news clips, which are “modeled on propaganda films made during World War II” (Verhoeven). These include exiting and dynamic presentations of the war, seemingly benign, yet disturbing, scenes of children playing with weapons as an early indoctrination to the society.

Oddly enough, the film never confronts its fascist backdrop. The system is never questioned, only reinforced as a necessary means for survival against an alien threat. In spite of this, Paul Verhoeven staunchly defends the film as being anti-fascism in his director’s commentary:

This fascist propaganda that is kind of apparent in the movie… should be read as something that is not good… not a good statement, and this is not good politics, and if you see a black uniform, you should know bad, bad, bad (Verhoeven).

The problem with Verhoeven’s statement is that the movie makes no associations with its fascism and its lack of humanity. In fact, the film’s writer, Ed Neumeier, contradicts Verhoeven’s assertion almost immediately:

It’s actually… a society that works pretty well. There’s no sexism, there’s no racism, later we will see that there’s very little crime, in fact they seem to have achieved the ideal sort of politically correct society, except that we… question how they have achieved it (Neumeier).

This disconnects with Verhoeven’s directorial Intentions. If he were making an anti-fascist film, then creating a utopian fascist society seems contraindicated.

Verhoeven, therefore, must rely on the historical associations with fascism to get his point across. The audience must recognize what the film’s models are and take pleasure in the irony and satire of a utopian fascist society, again we find contradiction, for the film’s target audience, a younger generation seeking a Friday night action flick, lacks the experiential and educational background required to enjoy this dimension of the film. Verhoeven’s subtle satire, crucial to the film’s anti-fascist message, is lost on an audience incapable of detecting it, and thus the film becomes a pro-fascist statement for the majority of its audience.

David Fincher’s Fight Club

David Fincher’s Fight Club suffers from this same dilemma. The film presents the character Jack, a man suffering from insomnia, sleepwalking through life, and completely disgusted with the meaningless materialism around him. He and a companion, Tyler Durden, form a club, where disenfranchised males fight one another in a dysfunctional sort of therapy.

Up to this point the film’s message appears fairly anti-establishment in a relatively benign form; however, the fight club quickly evolves into an anti-establishment enterprise known as “Project Mayhem,” a coordinated effort to vandalize icons of Western materialism such as modern art, expensive cars, coffee shops, and credit agencies. The fight club evolves into an anti-establishment establishment, demanding unquestioning loyalty, the dissolution of the self through fraternity style hazing techniques, and communal living.

While its direct influence on Finch’s work seems doubtful, Alessandro Blasetti’s pro-fascist “Ettore Fieramosca,” made in 1938, employs the same costuming techniques to push his agenda as “Fight Club” uses to frame its social conflict. In Blasetti’s film, when the French Aristocrats and Italian fascists face off, the French are all dressed differently with long pretentious titles expressing their individuality, while the fascists all wear black and act as one body in unity (Chin). This resembles the members of Fight Club, who also dress in all black and additionally do not have names, except in death. The forces they battle against are colorful expressions of materialism, varied in appearance, but conformist in principle.

The fascist idealism apparent in the fight club reaches a stark climax when one of its members dies. Jack, their leader, questions the morality of their actions with cynical despair. The other members, momentarily shocked, quickly recover by finding hope and validation through a rationalization of his critical words. When the minions begin chanting affirmations over their leader’s protests, Edward Norton uses this example to illustrate the films anti-fascist message, “the guys in black shirts and boots running around doing stupid things are such morons” (Norton).

Beyond the film’s portrayal of the fight club’s members as nimrods, the film requires no real critical thinking on the part of the audience. In the end the only real rejection Jack has to Tyler’s plan is murder. He accepts everything else the club does, and, in the film’s final shot, watches the many credit agency buildings get demolished as he holds hands with the woman he loves. Thus, a more nuanced view of fascism takes place, one where the anti-establishment actions are promoted, murder is not, and the argument becomes one of degree. How much fascism is acceptable


Using Absurdity and Horror to Tackle the Fascist Dystopia

Charlie Chaplin’s The Great Dictator

Charlie Chaplin’s The Great Dictator provides both a direct retort to Riefenstahl’s propaganda and the answer to the seductiveness of Nazi style. The film mocks Riefenstahl’s camera techniques when a statue of “The Thinker” is seen in the background saluting. Chaplin also makes fun of the choreographed nature of her film in a scene where the Dictator, Hynkler, is to greet the Dictator Napaloni. The carefully choreographed setup falls apart when the train does not stop at the designated place and everyone is forced to chase it. The soldiers under the “Doublecross,” vice “IronCross,” are bumbling oafs, not the stalwart pinnacles portrayed by Riefenstahl.

Nor are they the benign, pop-icons of Riefenstahl’s film. Chaplin illustrates the deceptive nature of her propaganda in his film when Hynkler gives a speech translated into English. When Hynkle goes off on a seemingly endless tirade, so furious the very microphones wilt under his hatred, the translator interprets this as, “His excellency has just referred to the Jewish people.”

Chaplin mocks the style of the Third Riech at every turn. Everywhere he parodies it as more concerned with style than substance. An example is when an imposing file cabinet opens up to reveal a dressing room mirror for the Dictator to pose in front of. Herr Garbage gives an inspiring speech about purifying the race, first removing the Jews, then the brunettes, leaving a race of blonde haired, blue-eyed people under the rule of Hynkle, a brunette. The film’s conclusion brings the style’s lack of ideology to a climax, when a Jew impersonating Hynkle assumes Dictatorship and preaches the exact opposite message of the former Dictator, and this meets with rousing cheers of approval.

The difficulty of Chaplin’s approach to his subject is that in ridiculing the fascist threat, he removes the audience’s ability to take it seriously. His fascists are too bungling and inept to prompt audience members to take arms against it. “Chaplin subsequently noted that, had he known the scope of evil perpetrated on Europe by the Nazis, he would never have made them the subject of this lampoon” (Jardine).

Michael Radford’s Nineteen Eighty-Four

Michael Radford finds another way to strip fascism of its appeal using bleak set design and dull gray color tones in his adaptation of George Orwell’s book in the film Ninteen Eighty-Four. All of the classic Nazi rally settings are found within this film, but they are cheapened. The smooth concrete arena floors replaced with loose dust and gravel. The laborer’s jumpsuits, so proudly showcased in Riefenstahl’s film, are worn and dirty in this oppressed world. Everything here is decay and ruins, bombed out husks of buildings, industrial style used not to evoke a sense of the modern, but a rusty skeleton of abandoned visions.

The only time we escape this vapid color scheme is when Winston and Julia sneak away from the city to a green pasture, where they engage in thought crimes and sexual intercourse. In this sanctuary of the natural world, an oasis peace and tranquility from the wasteland of modernity, they find a brief respite from the oppressive scrutiny. This gloomy wasteland, the result of this world’s totalitarian system, sets the stage for the psychological nightmare that takes place in it.

Remaining true to George Orwell’s vision and narrative, the film focuses on the plight of the individual living in a system demanding the absolution of individuality for the state’s purposes. The story dwells on Winston’s brainwashing, drawing out his torture using clinical dialogue with O’Brien, his tormentor and party leader. Like Marcello in “The Conformist,” Winston submits to the fascist demands out of fear, renouncing the woman he loves, his beliefs, and even reality for the social construction of reality the fascist party presents:

O’BRIEN: How many fingers am I holding up?

WINSTON: How ever many you say.

While in “The Conformist,” Marcello seeks the illusion of allegiance to fascist principles, while his mind remains intellectually conflicted, in Ninteen Eighty-Four the fascist state replaces the mind as well. Combining Orwell’s politicized dialogue with Radford’s instruments of torture, most notably an industrialized version of the rack, which uses steam power to inflict pain, the nightmare of mental violation is realized on the screen.

Orwell and Radford turn the fascists into supernatural monsters, subjecting them to a surrealist audience perception, similar to Star Wars. The threat becomes removed from reality behind science fiction backdrop, whose scope has grown too large for audience identification. In spite of the effectiveness of the nightmare, it remains as cautionary as a dream, which fades soon after we leave the theater.

Terry Gilliam’s Brazil

Terry Gilliam’s film Brazil strikes a delicate balance between Chaplin’s absurdity and Orwell’s nightmare. Gilliam originally intended to title his film “1984 Revisited,” and his story updates Orwell’s for the 80s audience, changing the means his fascist state uses to control its people. He uses a subtler propaganda, less overt in its totalitarianism, but the setting remains infused with it. Posters appear in every scene, sporting slogans like “Paranoia Breeds Confidence,” “Who Can You Trust?” and “Happiness, We’re All In It Together” a commercialist spin on Big Brother propaganda.

The film takes a nonchalant attitude to the fascism present within its world. A smiling, pleasant receptionist taking dictation in one of the offices at “Information Retrieval” seems ordinary enough, but a close up of her transcript reveals a torture session. A man killed during an interrogation generates a paperwork conundrum because he was innocent, and the victim’s family is entitled to a monetary refund for his arrest.

Like Chaplin, Gilliam’s world merely presents the illusion of modernity. The televisions that appear everywhere in the film, while appearing futuristic, are still black and white, with small screens that only show old movies such as the Marx Brother’s films. Although computers exist, the purpose of information technology remains lost on an information-obsessed society, which still requires immense volumes of paperwork that travels through ducts running through everything.

The ever-present ducts, like kudzu vines growing into everything, are a product of the bureaucracy, which serves as a control measure for the fascist state. Citizens, like Jill Layton, seeking a redress of grievances against the government become lost in the bureaucratic shuffle, running from department to department, standing in line endlessly, and being turned away because a department failed to stamp one document out of the hundreds required. After a woman’s husband is seized for interrogation, a clerk has the grief-stricken woman sign several receipt forms, and then retains one document, which he says, “is my receipt for your receipt.”

Although audience members may identify with the bureaucratic frustration, even realize its potential for oppression, Gilliam’s vision suffers from the same audience detachment as “Nineteen Eighty-Four” due to its science fiction nature. This detachment becomes magnified in the film’s absurdist tone, conflicting the audience’s emotional response with its silly nightmare.


Conclusions

Leni Riefenstahl’s propagandistic documentary cast the mold for the fascist style. Her technical mastery of the camera, combined with the Third Reich’s set and costume designs created an elaborate production for other filmmakers to admire. Riefenstahl’s directorial intention was to present the Third Reich in an adoring light, but her collaborative vision later suffered the taint of the Nazi regime’s historical legacy. As a result, we are left with a document both seductively appealing and terrifying in its historical context.

This leaves filmmakers with a dilemma in how they present fascism to audiences. Exploratory dramas have sought more realistic depictions of the consequences of fascism, but their dramatic microcosms create isolated incidents, often too nuanced for the audience to take their cautionary warnings seriously. Additionally, many audience members are offended by what they perceive as apologism on behalf of the fascists in the filmmaker’s explanations for fascist origins.

While critics of this approach express a legitimate concern for the creation of fascist sympathies, they ignore the consequences of the opposite approach. Filmmakers who present fascists as monsters often merely caricaturize Nazi imagery for dramatic effect, creating a stylish threat but one too evil to take seriously in a modern context. Once deprived of their believability, the audience is allowed to perceive the bad guys for their superior style.

They stylish presentation of the “fascist bad-guy” for entertainment purposes has evolved into the “fascist good-guy” for entertainment purposes. In spite of Directorial intentions to the contrary, these films have produced fascist anti-heroes both in the context of a military establishment and as anti-establishment revolutionaries. While such films rely on the insights and education of their audiences to recognize the satirical points, the genre and youthfulness of the film’s target audiences belay this intention.

Directors seeking to circumvent the appeal of fascist imagery for films with a directly anti-fascism purpose use absurdity and impoverished contexts to strip the style of its appeal. The absurdist approach works well for preventing the audience from wanting to identify with the oafish, bullying fascists portrayed, but this tactic suffers from credibility issues for parodying reality. The nightmare or poverty context approaches suffer from audience detachment as a result of the science fiction aspect inherent to rendering futuristic societies or alternate realities.

Decades of distance between Riefenstahl’s and Hitler’s vision have detached audience associations with their material. The Nazi imagery has outgrown its historical context and been blown up on the big screen as exaggerated caricatures, too stylish for total audience repulsion or too monstrous to take seriously. “Through Riefenstahl we have seen how a monument can be made from a body… how from a madman with a moustache you can make a charismatic hero… Thanks to her [work] we mistrust ourselves.” (Bach) The conundrum of Triumph’s effective rhetoric set against its repulsive ideology will continue to conflict the work of filmmakers far into the future.


Works Cited

Bach, Steven. “The Puzzle of Leni Riefenstahl.” The Wilson Quarterly. Autumn 2002.

Balfour, Barbara. “Images of Fascism.” University of Calgary Gazette, Vol 32, No. 4.
21 May 2002.

Bozzola, Lucia. “The Conformist.” All Movie Guide. 2003. AEC One Stop Group, Inc.
5 Nov. 2003 http://www.allmovie.com.

Brazil. Dir. Terry Gilliam. Perf. Jonathan Pryce, Michael Palin, Kim Greist,
Robert De Niro, and Katherine Helmond. 20th Century Fox / Universal, 1985.

Chin, Toong, et al.“Fascist Cinema.” Italian Cinema – A Beginner’s Guide.
15 Oct. 2003 Link

“Commentary: Leni and Eddie.” All Things Considered. NPR. WHRO, Norfolk.
12 Sept. 2003.

The Conformist. Dir. Bernardo Bertollucci. Perf. Jean-Louis Trintignant,
Dominique Sanda, Pierre Clementi, and Stefania Sandrelli. Paramount, 1970.

Ebert, Roger. “Riefenstahl dies at 101; tainted by link to Hitler.” Chicago Sun-Times.
10 Sept. 2003.

Fight Club. Dir. David Fincher. Perf. Edward Norton, Brad Pitt, Helena Bonham Carter,
Meat Loaf, and Jared Leto.
20th Century Fox / Fox 2000 Pictures / Linson Films / Regency Enterprises, 1999.

The Great Dictator. Dir. Charles Chaplin. Perf. Charles Chaplin, Paulette Goddard,
Jack Oakie, Reginald Gardiner, Henry Daniell, and Billy Gilbert.
United Artists, 1940.

“Hitler Filmaker Riefenstahl Dies at 101.” All Things Considered. NPR.
WHRO, Norfolk. 9 Sept. 2003

Jardine, Dan. “The Great Dictator.” All Movie Guide. 2003. AEC One Stop Group, Inc.
23 Nov. 2003 http://www.allmovie.com.

Max. Dir. Menno Meyjes. Perf. John Cusak, Noah Taylor, Molly Parker, Leelee Sobieski,
and Ulrich Tomsen. Lions Gate Films, 2002.

Nineteen Eighty-Four. Dir. Michael Radford. Perf. John Hurt, Richard Burton,
Suzanna Hamilton, and Cyril Cusak.
Atlantic Releasing Corporation / Virgin Films, 1984.

Nowell-Smith, Geoffrey. World Cinema. Oxford University Press. 1996.

Orwell, George. 1984. Penguin Books Ltd. 1981.

Pink Floyd: The Wall. Dir. Alan Parker. Perf. Bob Geldof, Christine Hargreaves, James Laurenson, Eleanor David, and Kevin McKeon. MGM, United Artists,
Tin Blud Ltd., 1982.

Plato, et al. The Republic. Hackett Pub Co. 1992.

Ralske, Josh. “Max.” All Movie Guide. 2003. AEC One Stop Group, Inc.
15 Oct. 2003 http://www.allmovie.com.

“Scott Simon Essay: Leni Riefenstahl.” Weekend Edition. NPR. WHRO, Norfolk.
13 Sept 2003.

Sontag, Susan. “Fascinating Fascism.” Under the Sign of Saturn, Farrar Straus Giroux.
1975.

Starship Troopers. Dir. Paul Verhoeven. Perf. Casper Van Dien, Dina Meyer,
Denise Richards, Jake Busey, and Neil Patrick Harris.
Sony Pictures Entertainment / Touchstone Pictures / TriStar, 1997.

Star Wars: Episode IV – A New Hope. Dir. George Lucas. Perf. Mark Hamill,
Anthony Daniels, Harrison Ford, Carrie Fisher, and Peter Cushing.
20th Century Fox, 1977.

Star Wars: Episode VI – The Return of the Jedi. Dir. Richard Marquand.
Perf. Mark Hamill, Harrison Ford, Carrie Fisher, Billy Dee Williams,
and Anthony Daniels. 20th Century Fox, 1983.

Star Wars: Episode II – Attack of the Clones. Dir. George Lucas. Perf. Ewan McGregor,
Natalie Portman, Hayden Christensen, Christopher Lee, and Samuel L. Jackson. 20th Century Fox, 2002.

Triumph of the Will. Dir. Leni Riefenstahl. Perf. Heinrich Himmler, Rudolf Hess,
Adolf Hitler, Martin Bormann, Hermann Goring, and Josef Goebbels.
Fusion Video / Ventura Distribution, 1934.

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Chaos Theory

Posted on 16th May 2004 by Ryan Somma in Ionian Enchantment

What is Chaos Theory?

Chaos theory deals with the ultimately unpredictable nature of our universe. The Principles of Chaos Theory were discovered by a meteorologist named Edward Lorenze, who was working on the problem of predicting weather patterns in 1960. One day in 1961 he ran a mathematical sequence through a computer that he had run previously.

When He returned, he found a set of results wildly different from his originals. He eventually traced this difference in outcomes to the number he had entered off of the printout, which had been calculated to only 3 decimal places to save paper. The original sequence had run on the number .506127, he had only entered the number .506.

The conventional wisdom of the time stated that such a miniscule difference in figures should have produced very similar results. Being able to measure something to the third decimal place was quite an accomplishment. The fact that a difference of .000127 between the initial and subsequent conditions could cause such drastically different results called the predictability of complex systems into question. Weather, population growth, the orbits of planets, all of these systems were proven ultimately unpredictable.

The Chaos theory metaphor is the flapping of a butterfly’s wings in Central Park creating a monsoon in Asia. The three decimal places represent the flapping of a butterfly’s wings, and the monsoon is the unpredictable result of leaving the butterfly out of the equation.

Now consider some numbers that are mathematical constants in so many of our equations:

0.000 000 000 000 000 000 000 000 006 626

Planck’s Constant (h)

Pi
(Click to View)

Phi
(Click to View)


The Pattern of Chaos, Infinite Regression

Fractals

Fractals are objects that display self-similarity at various scales. Magnifying a fractal reveals small-scale details similar to the large-scale characteristics. Like Pi or Phi, fractals are infinite geometric expressions that do not repeat as we explore them, but exhibit different expressions of their basic form throughout.

The Mandelbrot Set

This is the set of points in the complex c-plane that do not go to infinity when iterating zn+1=zn2+c starting with z=0. The set is famous for its relative simplicity, but startlingly complex expressions:

The Julia Set

When we leave the variable c fixed through our iterations of the equation, we achieve a different fractal. Some expressions of the Julia set are known as “Dragon Fractals”.

Artists, such as Linda Bucklin, have begun constructing artwork out of chaos theory. Here are two examples of her work with fractals:


Beyond…

Nature’s Fractals



The Pattern of a Snowflake in the Koch Curve

Henry David Thoreau, in his classic text “Walden”, recognized the repeating patterns of the natural world:

“When the frost comes out in the spring, and even in a thawing day in the winter, the sand begins to flow down the slopes like lava, sometimes bursting out through the snow and overflowing it where no sand was to be seen before. Innumerable little streams overlap and interlace one with another, exhibiting a sort of hybrid product, which obeys half way the law of currents, and half way that of vegetation. As it flows it takes the forms of sappy leaves or vines, making heaps of pulpy sprays a foot or more in depth, and resembling, as you look down on them, the laciniated, lobed, and imbricated thalluses of some lichens; or you are reminded of coral, of leopard’s paws or birds’ feet, of brains or lungs or bowels, and excrements of all kinds.”

Pattern repeats: Geometric Design, a Pinecone, a Sunflower

Dirt, streams, the branches of trees, the veins of our circulatory system, these are natural patterns that repeat and mimic one another. We can see a repetitive pattern in the suns circling galaxies, planets circling suns, and electrons circling atoms. For some of these patterns, like the growth of trees and the patterns of animal hides, we have decoded the mathematical formulas to express them. Other patterns, like the macro cosmos of our universe, are impossible to define.

The Fibonacci Set

{1, 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, 13, 21, 34, 55, 89, 144, 233, 377,…}

Each number in this set is equal to the sum of the two numbers preceding it. The set is used to predict population growth, the branching of plant stems, and even the radiation of cactus needles. An interesting phenomenon occurs when we divide each number in the set by its predecessor:

1 / 1 = 1
2 / 1 = 2
3 / 2 = 1.5
5 / 3 = 1.6666667
8 / 5 = 1.6
12 / 8 = 1.625
21 / 13 = 1.6153846
34 / 21 = 1.6190476

We get closer and closer to the number Phi (1.618033988…), but never reach it precisely. There is a sort of romantic poetry in this ratio, which we find expressed in so many natural ways in our world.

Pattern repeats: A fractal, a Cactus

Reality’s Infinite Mystery

Fractals, Pi, Chaos Theory are all mathematical proofs for the infinite nature of certain aspects of our universe. You would spend an infinite amount of time chasing down the secrets of Pi. Even with an ocean of numbers behind you, discovered and relegated to the known, the unknown next number still lies just over the horizon, and like the horizon, you may chase it endlessly, but never reach it.

There are two attitudes we may take to this revelation. We can look at existence as hopeless, a futile struggle to attain infinity. Such pessimism is an easy rationalization for the lazy mind, which seeks stasis and abhors the efforts that growth demands.

The alternative is to see this as a voyage of infinite discovery, with no end in sight, or even mathematically possible.


Further Reading:

Stewart, Ian, Does God Play Dice? The Mathematics of Chaos, Penguin Books Ltd, Harmondsworth, Middlesex, 1989.

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False Dichotomies: Capitalism VS Socialism

Posted on 9th May 2004 by Ryan Somma in Enlightenment Warrior

What’s the best market model? While pundits scream words like “Communist!” and “Fascist!” across the isles in an attempt to demonize the opposition, the reality is that civilization requires a balanced market with both Capitalist and Socialist aspects. Both economic strategies require a healthy Democracy to work.

The result of splitting the debate over government versus corporate provided services into two extremes, like good and evil, is that we remove the ability to have intelligent, rational debate over the matter. When someone suggests privatizing a governmental function, opponents cry foul and point to instances of corruption in corporatist enterprises. When someone suggests socializing a service, opponents cry foul and point to the failure of specific Communist systems.

The problem with both of these approaches to debate is that they ignore the successful aspects of both systems. North Korea is a drastic example of socialism taken to an extreme, but socialism has obvious benefits in China. Enron is an example of Capitalism taken to an extreme, but capitalism has obvious benefits in the United States. Taking things to extremes in disputation is known as presenting a “Slippery Slope” argument, a rhetorical fallacy.


Socialism

In evolutionary terms, Socialism expresses the concept of social animals. Our civilization brought the human race to the point of being the most successful mammals on the planet (bugs and microbes still have us beat), and we require the preservation of civilization to maintain this status. IAAMOAC.

The problem with letting the Government solve problems is the lack of accountability. If a government agency is doing something wrong, there is no competitor to bring a better way into the market. There is no variety of ideas, only one business model, the government’s, and it answers only to itself unless the people mobilize to change it — a premeditated effort, rather than a natural occurance like market trends. A corporation can sink millions of dollars into a bad business model, but it will eventually fail, preventing the a perpetual waste of resources. The government, faced with a need, can only sink more money into its service.

Socialism rarely produces innovations like convenience stores, computers, automobiles, successful dot-coms, and the like. It took an individual motivated by the potential for rewards, gifted with the freedom to pursue these innovations independently to manifest them.

Socialism fails to take into account human nature. We are motivated by the rewards, or potential rewards, of our endeavors. When no additional gains are made by additional effort, there is no motivation to excel as an individual.

Socialism fails to see the forest for the trees.


Capitalism

In evolutionary terms, Capitalism is an economic survival of the fittest. Business model memes enter the market and compete for profits like animals competing for food. The ideas that please consumers most take the most profit. New ideas, like mutated genes, are constantly entering the system, most fail, but the good ones survive and other models adopt these successful innovations to the gradual improvement of the entire system.

Capitalism has the benefit of promoting innovation, however, left unchecked, it destroys innovation. Ideally, the best product or service wins, but the reality is that the more established product uses its market share to squash the competition, which is more cost effective and instantly gratifying than product improvement. If the government does not regulate the market, then the most powerful enterprises will.

It should be noted that Capitalist ventures did not reach space until well after Russia, China, and the United States’ socialist programs all achieved this. Similarly Pharmaceutical, Stem Cell, and other medical researches rely heavily on tax-money, because only the government has that kind of investment power.

Capitalism also fails to take into account human nature. By focusing entirely on the rewards of the system, the individual has no motivation to act for the common good.

Capitalism fails to see the trees for the forest.


Always a Balancing Act

Governments that allow public oversight of their processes provide a counterbalance to the extremes that may emerge from either system. Communist systems such as China’s provide means for citizens to express their grievances for consideration. Democracies provide citizens with an indirect power over the system. Neither system fully harnesses the power of public oversight through open government and direct citizen control, but each one harnesses the power of disputation in tempering their behaviors.

socialist aspects in government are tempered with public oversight of government-provided programs and have the power to evaluate, refine, and cancel programs that do not work. In government models devoid of public scrutiny, the only oversight is reality, as in the crushing weight of economic reality comes down and the entire system collapses.

Similarly governmental oversight of a capitalist system is managed through the people. Free markets provide a system of public oversight in that the public avoids enterprises detrimental to the system, but government oversight of Capitalism as motivated by the public is also required. Without such moderation, monopolies and abuses occur that subjugate the people, hinder society and progress.

As with so many things regarding public policy, there is no one-size-fits-all solution, but a complex realm of situations where case by case decision making is required. Moderation is key. Thorough and nuanced disputation of policy in an open forum will provide the best, most specific solution.


Socialism VS Capitalism in Science

One last note for all my Scientifically minded hommies out there.

Socialism funds generalized studies. The Hubble Telescope, the Human Genome Project, and the endless stream of research conducted by University Scientists across the globe are all projects conducted for no other reason than to satisfy our curiosity. Socialist Science is all about discovery for the sake of understanding our world. There is nothing profitable about pictures of the farthest visible galaxy in our universe, nothing lucrative about confirming or denying the existence of microbes on Mars, or searching the skies for messages from extraterrestrial beings, but there is everything inspiring about these things. They provide us with vision.

If Socialist Science is all about broadening our horizons, Capitalist Science is all about the practical application of our knowledge. Brain candy is nice for fantasizing, but building a super-powerful Computer Processor out of an Einstein-Bose State of Matter benefits us right now, today. Sequencing the Human Genome is theoretically “neat,” but applying that research into the production of life-saving therapies, drugs, and other treatments lies mostly in the realm of Capitalist Science, which will pursue the leads more effectively because of their profit motivations.

Science requires both socialist and capitalist motivators to expand. Socialist Science sets a foundation that Capitalist Science builds upon. Socialist Science opens the doors of possibility while Capitalist Science actively pursues the revealed possible.

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New Speak

Posted on 2nd May 2004 by Ryan Somma in Enlightenment Warrior

Words are not defined by what the dictionary says, but by how they are used in daily life. How people use words decides how they are defined, and thus another battleground is forged on the landscape of the mind.

We see it everywhere in our political discourse. One Democrat’s “Tax Cut” is a Republican’s “Tax Relief”. A “Pro-Choice” activist is a “Pro-Abortion” activist to someone on the “Pro-Life” side of the debate. “Liberal” and “Conservative” have both evolved to take on an enormous burden of political associations their definitions are incapable of supporting.

George Orwell illustrates some of the more grievous abuses in his essay, “Politics and the English Language,” as employed by the former Soviet Union:

Defenseless villages are bombarded from the air, the inhabitants driven out into the countryside, the cattle machine-gunned, the huts set on fire with incendiary bullets: this is called pacification. Millions of peasants are robbed of their farms and sent trudging along the roads with no more than they can carry: this is called transfer of population or rectification of frontiers. People are imprisoned for years without trial, or shot in the back of the neck or sent to die of scurvy in Arctic lumber camps: this is called elimination of unreliable elements.

There are parallels to American politics. Such as the term “Shock and Awe” being used to describe a military strategy similar to Adolf Hitler’s “Blitzkrieg” attacks. There is the Sewage industry’s attempts to rename sludge, the leftover material from sewage treatment plants, to “biosolids.”

In the next few pages I will attempt to illustrate just a few examples of Newspeak in America’s cultural lexicon and explain the damage they inflict on our public discourse. They are not meant to advocate anything, but to start you thinking critically about the things politicians and news channels say.


Socialism and Communism: Two Words that Mean the Same Thing

To opponents of government-mitigated services the terms “Socialism” and “Communism” are synonymous, interchangeable. Abuse of the language leaves the critical mind wondering why two words exist, when they both are used with the same meaning?

To begin, we must look to their origins in Marxist theory. In his “Communist Manifesto”, Marx defined communism as an idealized utopia of communal equality, but before a society could achieve such a state, it must go through a difficult period of transition. This in-between state was socialism, characterized by totalitarian governing to oversee the transition. The U.S.S.R. and China’s People Republic, both societies that have not achieved the idealized state, were examples of Marxist definition of socialism.

But words are changed through use. Many factors redefined Communism to represent the totalitarian state, where equality is an enforced oppression. The USSR, China, and North Korea all sought communism. Communism’s opponents used the word Communism to describe the ideology. Communism became a description for both the transitional state and the end result. Marx’s failure to account for human nature, and what is now considered a naive idealism also necessitated this change.

So what happened to the definition of Socialism? Progressives seeking public services adopted the word, dropping the totalitarian aspect of it. It became a way to describe the ideology that let government and taxpayer money build communal properties such as public transportation, libraries, public education, and roads. Opponents of this principle, however, employ the word with an emphasis on the Marxist definition, yet these same opponents use communism with the same totalitarian emphasis, disregarding Marx. The result: two words with the same meaning. Opponents to public institutions have essentially stripped their opponents of the means to describe the cause they are championing.

Even our dictionaries are at a loss to explain them:

communism

\Com”mu*nism\, n. [F. communisme, fr. commun common.] A scheme of equalizing the social conditions of life; specifically, a scheme which contemplates the abolition of inequalities in the possession of property, as by distributing all wealth equally to all, or by holding all wealth in common for the equal use and advantage of all.

socialism

\So”cial*ism\, n. [Cf. F. socialisme.] A theory or system of social reform which contemplates a complete reconstruction of society, with a more just and equitable distribution of property and labor.

Webster’s Revised Unabridged Dictionary, © 1996, 1998 MICRA, Inc.

Two words that mean nearly the exact same thing.

An entire category of political discourse has been skewed in favor of those who twisted the words. People more easily comprehend absolutes, so the extremist wins the tug-of-war. The moderate who realizes the advantages of properly balancing socialism and capitalism must employ tediously complex arguments, which account for the many nuanced advantages and situational applications of each ideology.

The opponent need only call them a “Communist”, and thus, with one word, apply an entire history of bad associations to their opponent. It is a mischaracterization. Their opponent merely advocates moderate socialization of specific institutions for public benefit, not a totalitarian seizure of all private property. It is unfair to the public not to allow any consideration of this option for public policy making.

Decades after the Cold War, the stigma of these concepts prevents Americans from realistically confronting them. Most of us are in denial that anything socialist exists in our country, or that it is an indispensable component to the stability of our civilization.


New Language: “Homicide Bombings”

This is a new one creeping into the lexicon and its peculiar nature makes me wonder if it will catch on. What is a “Homicide Bombing”? Is it when a roadside bomb goes off and kills soldiers or civilians? No. Is it when a bomb is dropped from a plane and kills people? No. Is it when a parked car, filled with explosives, detonates and takes entire city blocks’ worth of lives?

No. These situations are “Roadside Bombings”, “Aerial Bombings”, and “Car Bombings” respectively. “Homicide Bombings” are when an individual straps a bomb to them self, enters a crowded location, and detonates the explosive, killing them self and taking the surrounding innocents with them. So the question arises: What differentiates a “Homicide Bombing” from a “Suicide Bombing”?

The answer is that the speaker has chosen to substitute the word “Suicide” with “Homicide”, for the purpose of removing the association of martyrdom from the terrorist act. While I understand and empathize with the need to stress the heinous nature of this act, a better way to do this is to stress Islam’s rejection of suicide, especially for a religious cause:

[2:195] You shall spend in the cause of GOD; do not throw yourselves with your own hands into destruction. You shall be charitable; GOD loves the charitable.

[ 4:29] O you who believe, do not consume each others’ properties illicitly – only mutually acceptable transactions are permitted. You shall not kill yourselves. GOD is Merciful towards you.

[ 4:30] Anyone who commits these transgressions, maliciously and deliberately, we will condemn him to Hell. This is easy for GOD to do.

[ 7:199 ] You shall resort to pardon, advocate tolerance, and disregard the ignorant.

There is no need to outright abuse the English language to the point of creating cognitive dissonance. Aren’t all bombings homicidal? Then isn’t the term “Homicidal Bombing” a gross redundancy? Not only does this creepy bit of newspeak offend the critical mind, but it does a severe injustice to the audience, because the term fails to adequately describe the event.

In Orwell’s “1984”, this tactic was known as “Doublespeak”. The ruling class, using the excuse that language was unnecessarily complex and inefficient, began to cut words from the common lexicon. Words like “great”, “fantastic”, “wonderful”, and so on, could all be reduced to “good”. If something was really good, then the modifier “double” or “plus” could be added. Thus “good”, “double good”, and “double plus good” replaced hundreds of words. The ultimate goal was to strip the public of its propensity to articulate its problems.

I don’t believe that is the intention with “Homicide Bombing”, but it is the result. This misguided activism has crept into the political dialogue and has even been adopted by FOX News. My advice is to be aware of it, and remind the people who use it of how inarticulate they sound.


Conclusions

Politicians must not be allowed to change the meaning of words in the English language. We must demand that the academic definitions remain in effect. Otherwise, we allow ourselves to fall victim to thought control, without a common frame of reference with which to communicate our ideas.

Often when confronted with their misuse of language, a pundit will state they do not wish to debate the “semantics” of the issue, but this is a weak justification for their dismissive attitude. Semantics are the many different definitions and connotations a single word can carry. Simply think of Liberal and Conservative and you see how many dimensions of variable meaning a single word can bare.

When an arguer says they do not wish to debate semantics, they are saying they do not wish to debate the issue’s foundation. Words are the common frame of reference that we must all work from in order to understand one another’s point of view. If we are working from different definitions of the same words, then we cannot properly convey our ideas. People will be speaking the same language, but not understand one another.

Maybe if we took the time to debate semantics, we could find a common ground from which to refine our differences into their nuanced states, rather than expanding them into chasms of otherness. We aren’t all so different after all.

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